
DENOUEMENT OR ENTANGLEMENT
- The recent political developments in Armenia mark the end of the first stage of the establishment of capitalism and the struggle between different bourgeois groups. Ethically and aesthetically, it is not modernism, not even postmodernism but the extreme form of nihilism rather. Of course, any generalization and political survey seems ridiculous and meaningless when serious external challenges emerge with a meaning and logic that is not difficult to understand. One way or another, the expectations from the upcoming Armenian parliamentary election cause worries. The redistribution and the emergence of new political groups may cause a major clash. The founders of the “Armenian modernism”, partly sunk in oblivion, who led the country into a political disaster in 1998, have emerged again and offer services for any price.

Typically, the president of Armenia, who is responsible for the future developments, is trying to give up the old devices of choosing favorites to set up a ruling coalition. The policy determined by external factors and Kocharyan’s political technologies may lead to a new and a rather favorable situation not only in Yerevan but also in Stepanakert when the former partisan groups, despite partnership with the president, must decide their political future independently.
2005 was marked by a political disaster in Stepanakert. A new parliament was elected of unprincipled groups who are ready to accept any decision, any defensive scenario. At the most important moment of international debates over the Karabakh issue the Karabakh parliament ducked and avoided the “bugbear” successfully, without damaging the reputation of the NKR president and the parliament. It was so abject that it became urgent to analyze this behavior. Surviving through a rather complicated external political period, the Karabakh society does not even doubt how and why it is given a chance to idle about. Stepanakert is interested in small intrigues related to the third term, looking forward to the third term as World War III, not even doubting that the third term is not just one of the options but an unacceptable option (a third term is automatically considered as a crime in the criminal world). The society in Stepanakert, which is concerned about their estates and addicted to gambling, does not doubt that the expression “information vacuum” is for fools. In reality, the developments not only around NKR but also in NKR are attentively, professionally tracked, and necessary conclusions are drawn. The process of granting sovereignty that started in 2002 may become a real tragedy for Armenian Karabakh if Stepanakert fails to give an adequate reaction to the proposals and conditions. If Chechnya lost the independence it had gained due to excessive activity and violence, NKR may not even gain independence due to fatal passivity and pseudo-civilization (although what civilization is this if there is no single public lavatory in Stepanakert?). Incredibly, in 1994 no one would expect that the people of Karabakh would be so obedient. The bourgeois model of Yerevan has been transferred to Stepanakert, but if there are social rules in Yerevan, Stepanakert has accepted the model fully.
The events underway in Yerevan are more than favorable for the patriots of Stepanakert to try to change the situation. President Kocharyan, who intends to change the rules of the game under the pressure of the foreign political environment and strategic partners or to refine the mafia traditions of holding an election, is trying to establish the following principles under strong internal pressure.
1. Elections in Armenia should guarantee a rotation, the replacement of one political group by another adequate group is also possible but there must be a rotation. The formality of this condition only seems to be pointless, in reality, in the Armenian society, which has consciously accepted social primitivism, there can be no other more creative technology, only rotation, only under the control of the government. In a moral society, which is referred to as a civil society, this device is called “legal violence”.
2. The generals, admirals, and even colonels cannot occupy high-ranking positions in the political administration. The representatives of law enforcement agencies should not run in the “election”, in other words, they should not become president either in Yerevan, or in Stepanakert. Not only because the foreign political environment and the strategic partners will not understand this approach but also because the law enforcement agencies need a clearance since there is a problem of competency. In addition, former merits and heroism are in reverse correlation to competence. It already becomes dangerous with the fast-changing security challenges. This may sound cynical but this conscious cynicism does not compare to the “unconscious cynicism” the Armenian reality is in.
3. The generals, admirals and even the colonels with majors, who are disappointed with service and no longer take interest in service, should not hope for a political career. What was allowed in the initial stage of the development of capitalism cannot be permitted presently when it is necessary to answer the questions of young officers who will be building the armed forces. They cannot meet with voters wearing uniforms of a general, sweatpants or suits bought at the market but Armani suits. It is necessary to be barons, signors, not peddlers.
4. The “political figures” who thought that the parliament could be replaced by local familiar groups, let alone the notorious third term, cannot hope to get the post of president. There are other posts, they can occupy these posts if they behave decently. No political “advocacy”, including the pseudo-revolutionary partner-messmates will not be able to help. Therefore, they need to moderate their aspirations and serve the homeland.
5. The so-called oligarchs cannot absolutely and automatically be considered the foes of the nation, however their indecent behavior has led to this full political defamation, and they need to commit a lot more things for the people to get a place in the current political process. For young businessmen, the gateway to politics is open but they should really become engaged in politics, not follow the government which became lost long ago.
6. The political parties which have been resting on the laurels of the victory in the war in Karabakh and the martyrs over the past 13 years cannot hope for a shelter, including in the coalition government. These political parties need to realize at last that they need to recreate their history, regain the respect of people, change the grassroots and the leadership. In the current political process there is no room for bloodsuckers who rely on cheap reputation, as well as a pointless partnership, more exactly, an arrangement with the government.
7. The use of the administrative resource is unacceptable and a crime. Is it possible? It is possible because the way out has been found. The role of money in the election has been made legitimate, which will enable the bourgeois morality to gain advantage. The apostles of democracy have also given their approval. Money is not criminal, the administrative resource is. Only one of the bourgeois devices was considered acceptable.
These conditions are ambiguous, they are not compulsory, nobody imposes them, but rejection may lead to regress, right into the sewer. As we, as well as the foreign diplomats could see, Robert Kocharyan is consistently implementing this concept because he has realized perhaps that by doing the contrary he will ruin not only Armenia but also himself. It is notable that despite the difference in the perception of interests, weight and partnership, almost all the subjects of the election in Armenia are willy-nilly following these requirements. If someone thinks that they can ignore the rules of the game, they will soon become convinced in the opposite. This sounds like a joke but our reality is but a comic strip. Nobody can insist on meeting these requirements, and it is clear because President Kocharyan does not possess absolute power. However, if these requirements are not met, Kocharyan will lose, and will lose forever.
The election of a new president in NKR is a matter of security and future of the Armenian nation, its format, framework and rules are already distinct. At least, it became clear to Robert Kocharyan what kind of a figure the new president of NKR should be. Robert Kocharyan’s stance is the reluctance to make a choice for the NKR presidential candidate. He is likely to accept as a partner the one who will meet all these requirements and become an elective, not an appointive president of NKR.
It is interesting why Robert Kocharyan should decide who needs to become president of NKR. The question is clear but please come up with your own proposals on the rotation of power in Karabakh. By the way, you should also consider an early parliamentary election in NKR. These members of parliament dare to consider entering the executive although it can be determined only by political activities and not by a lackey’s behavior. It is impossible to forgive the behavior of the parliament in the winter of 2005-2006. And this is not only an emotive evaluation.
Unfortunately, the rules were dictated from the outside. However, this external influence is first of all positive. Second, if the nation and the public have let others mock at them for so many years and God knows whom waste its future, it is necessary to listen to what is said from the outside. After all, it is not a matter of second appearance. The sooner the Armenian public meets these requirements, the earlier the country will gain independence. Presently, nobody takes into consideration our opinion, neither the local nor the foreign moralists. A holy war should be waged against defensiveness, perversion and conformism.
In one of his stories Zori Balayan gives an example from the life of Chukchees. “In the long polar nights people are tempted to take the moon for the sun. If it happens, death is inevitable.” We can work it out. We’ll not let them sell our Homeland for a grosz.
- IGOR MURADYAN
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