KOCHARYAN HAS LEFT, SERGE SARGSYAN HAS NOT COME YET
Obviously, the topic of Robert Kocharyan is becoming more and more urgent in the home political agenda of the Republic of Armenia. What is interesting? That at the core of this urgency is not the necessity of his return but his responsibility. If the opposition sets forward the issue of responsibility directly, the government is still only hinting. However, these hints are transparent and their vector is vivid enough for Robert Kocharyan first then the ex-head of his guard and the head of the State Security Service Grigory Sarkisyan to make statements and openly deny responsibility for the events of March 1, that they only did their job. It should not be ruled that one after the other such statements will be made by all the other members of Robert Kocharyan’s team. The government, however, will hardly take any steps to punish Robert Kocharyan or anyone from his team for the murder of 10 citizens or at least suspect them. The new president Serge Sargsyan does not need it. During the recent consultation at the office of president it became clear that the government’s aim is not revelation of the crime committed against the society on March 1, that is a legal assessment of those events, but a public problem, that is a political assessment. This is what matters for Serge Sargsyan. Thereby the new president aims to weaken his predecessor, who would not weaken. In fact, Serge Sargsyan is going to use against Robert Kocharyan what Robert Kocharyan used against Serge Sargsyan, weakening him incredibly. March 1 is concerned. Cynical though the mentioning of the tragic events may sound, Serge Sargsyan perhaps thinks “what hindered me will help me”. Serge Sargsyan is like a hostage now. He became the hostage of the last few weeks of Robert Kocharyan’s presidency. On March 1 Robert Kocharyan perpetrated the clampdown and in fact solved an important issue for him, he placed the future president in dependence on him. In other words, he left but did not let Serge Sargsyan come, evidence to which is the HR policy which Serge Sargsyan conducts or more exactly is unable to conduct. Now Serge Sargsyan is trying to use March 1 to get rid of Robert Kocharyan. For this purpose, there is no need to convict Robert Kocharyan. It could produce the effect of a boomerang and hit himself. For Serge Sargsyan it is enough that Robert Kocharyan undergoes the utter criticism of the society. However, not the way it happens now, that is critical speeches or hints. The previous president should get a political assessment of his activities by some structure, maybe illegitimate but perceptible for the society. The best option for this is to set up a body to investigate the events of March 1 and to reveal the causes of those developments. In addition, considering the political expediency of this body, Serge Sargsyan would perhaps desire that it were possibly representational. One can imagine how the body investigating the events which includes representatives of different political wings and social layers releases its conclusion that March 1 would not happen if there were not for the policy of the government in the past years which caused the majority of the society (the body will hardly pronounce the entire people or the popular movement) to choose the extreme form of protest against the government policy. The problem is not how objective this conclusion will be in terms of the description and assessment. The government is not interested in it. What interests the government is an assessment of Robert Kocharyan, especially that when Serge Sargsyan was nominated president, Robert Kocharyan’s team in the person of Garnik Isagulyan for instance who is now already in Serge Sargsyan’s team, and the sociological society in the person of Aaron Adibekyan, stated that although Robert Kocharyan cannot run a third term, he is given the highest popular rating as a worthy presidential candidate. Now March 1 is a convenient occasion for Serge Sargsyan to show the real popular rating of Robert Kocharyan, if not before it, at least after it. The logic and the movement of cold and warm streams inside the government show that Serge Sargsyan is going to use this opportunity not to let Robert Kocharyan look for an occasion to return in any way. HAKOB BADALYAN
YOU MAY DRIVE PAST PROTESTERS, BUT NOT LOOK AT THEM
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- 1805 The Khanate of Shakoo (Nookhee) is annexed to the Russian Empire.
- 1864 Founding of the "Armenian Humanitarian Association" in Baku.
- 1889 The Turkish political organization Union and Progress (formerly known as the "Ottoman Union Organization") was created. It's ethnocentric fanaticism led to the implementation the Armenian Genocide in the First World War.
- 1915 The Turkish government proclaims the law (consisting of three points) on the Armenians' penalties and deportations from military areas.
- 1917 Death of writer Mkrteetsh Atjemyan.
- 1920 The 11th Army enters Artsakh and moves towards Tartar-Martakert. Start of the tyranny over this Armenian land.
- 1920 The establishment of Soviet power in Dilijan.
- 1921 The Revolutionary Committee of the Armenian SSR is reorganized as the Council of People's Commissars, headed by Alexander Miasnikyan.
- 1967 Death of composer Barsegh Kanachyan. He was born in 1885.
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