GAP: ARMENIA LACKS A PUBLIC DIPLOMACY STRATEGY
In an earlier commentary I had characterized as “less than significant” the passage of the Azerbaijani sponsored U.N. Assembly resolution asserting its territorial integrity and demanding the withdrawal of Armenian forces from Nagorno Karabakh and its surrounding areas. From a legal-political view it was no victory for Azerbaijan. However, the other side of the coin revealed a serious weakness in Armenia’s diplomatic strategy. The question it posed is why did only seven nations oppose the resolution when the United States, Russia, and France voted against the resolution? The three nations who had been chosen by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to head a negotiating body to resolve the Nagorno Karabakh voted NO, and only four other delegations, including Armenia joined them. I believe the principal reason is that Armenia does not have an adequate public diplomacy strategy and program. Yerevan has not been able to deflate Baku’s strident publicity demanding international affirmation of its territorial integrity. Armenia’s counter arguments based on the right of self-determination have lacked the same force. Azerbaijan has demanded that nations publicly endorse its territorial integrity assertion, and most nation’s have done so. Even Washington’s explanation of why the United States voted against the resolution included a strong endorsement of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. Armenia’s National Assembly this week appears to have recognized the seriousness of the problem. It adopted a resolution calling on the government to launch a pro-active campaign to promote the legitimacy of Nagorno Karabakh’s secession from Azerbaijan. It also accused Baku of attempting to torpedo the conciliation efforts of the OSCE’s Minsk Group co-chairmen. However, no where in the resolution did the National Assembly call on the organized Armenian Diaspora to join this effort. The worldwide commemoration of the 93rd Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide demonstrated the size and depth of commitment of the Armenian communities to the genocide issue. It has forced Turkey into a posture of defensiveness that combines impotent denials of history with bullying tactics aimed at countries considering recognition of the Genocide. These tactics plus difficulties to expunge Article 301 from their constitution that punishes those who offend “Turkishness,” embarrass their friends and complicates Ankara’s quest to join the European Union. The organized Diaspora could and should have been enlisted to lobby their respective governments to oppose the Azerbaijan-sponsored UN resolution on Nagorno Karabakh. With active and politically potent communities in Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and a host of other nations, why did these nations abstain? Most of them might have opposed the resolution if the issue had been effectively advocated. With the United States, Russia, and France opposing the resolution, getting the support of many others was entirely possible. There is another UN resolution on the horizon, also involving Karabakh. It is sponsored by the coalition of the former Soviet republics of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova, called “GUAM.” Ethnic entities in three of these nations liberated themselves in the days following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The GUAM resolution condemns the assertion of independence by these mini-states who are engaged in what are called “frozen conflicts.” The GUAM resolution asserts the supremacy of the principle of territorial integrity over self-determination in international law. The GUAM resolution is a challenge and an opportunity for a collaborative effort between Armenia, Karabakh, and political activists in the Armenian Diaspora. While the pressure of time might impede a fully successful effort to defeat the resolution, it is a start. It can be the first step in a public diplomacy endeavor for Armenia. Public diplomacy is an active effort by many countries. It offers relevant information, historic documentation, and news reportage to international decision makers. It enlists scholars, legal and foreign affairs experts in advocacy efforts. It targets legislatures, government agencies, universities, mainstream and specialized media. And in the Armenia effort, it can urge citizens of Armenian heritage to actively promote host government support and assistance to Armenia and the Karabakh independence cause. The Armenian National Assembly has taken a first step. The new governments of Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh, need to move forward from there.
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- 1219 Death of Armenian King Levon the Second (Kingdom of Cilicia).
- 1817 General Yermolov, Commander of the Caucasian forces and Governor of the Caucasus, stops in Echmiadsin on his way to a mission in Persia.
- 1869 Death of the Armenologist Victor Langlois. He translated Armenian historical sources into French under the sponsorship of Noobar Pasha.
- 1900 Death of Hovhannes Aivazovsky (seascape artist) in Feodosia (the Ukraine). He was born in 1817.
- 1916 The "France-Armenie" committee is organized in Paris. Members of the Academy and other political figures are members.
- 1917 The First Assembly of Western Armenians opens in Yerevan under the Presidency of General Andranik.
- 1919 The Publication of Constantinople's Extraordinary Military Tribunal's decision about the perpetrators of the deportations of Booyook Dere's (Constantinople's district) Armenian population.
- 1930 Creation of the Kanaker Power Station.
- 1965 Death of Hrachia Kochar (writer and public figure). He was born in 1909.
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